Coloured Identity in a Democratic South Africa

Zimitri Erasmus further explicates and unravels the concept of race within a post-apartheid South Africa in her article, “Race and identity in the nation.” She begins by explaining how race is a socio-historical and political construct rather than a biological factor within South Africa (Erasmus, 2005: 9). Race has been replaced by the concept of class as an individual is not determined by their skin colour but rather by their ability, education and wealth. This, however, leaves out those living in poverty regardless of race. Erasmus explains that while wealthy black South Africans are maintaining high standards in education and employment, poor black South Africans are still suffering and feel alienated from their wealthier counterparts (Erasmus, 2005: 12) This results in the two conflicting classes being labelled defamatory names by their counterparts, such as “coconuts” and “dusty-crusties” (Erasmus, 2005: 27)

The Employment Equity Act of 1998 was implemented in order to create racial equity amongst all South Africans. The act employed the concept of equality in education, employment and other aspects and standards of living within South Africa. Racial segregations, however, do still exist within South African borders and Erasmus uses the example of learners in schools post-apartheid who still interact within their own apartheid given racial categories and she states their ability to interact with children from other population groups remains limited (Erasmus, 2005: 14). This, however, was not only restricted to learners but was to a heavier degree within the working environment and results in a perpetuation of apartheid race categories and a racial way of thinking (Erasmus, 2005: 21).

Erasmus further imposes two views to the concept of race. The first to ignore racial categories and this within itself is something impossible, particularly within a country such as South Africa which, through historical context, based itself on the concept of racial categories and white supremacy (Erasmus, 2005: 22). The second, or alternative, view of race is to “treat it as though it determines everything we do and all that we are, and as if it limits what is available to us” (Erasmus, 2005: 24). She uses the example of Nhlanhla Ndebele, a political analyst who found it disgraceful that black South Africans voted for the Democratic Alliance in the elections (Erasmus, 2005: 25). Ndebele believed that black South Africans should vote for the party that most represented them by race and did not take into consideration other factors as to why black South Africans voted for the particular parties that they wanted to vote for (Erasmus, 2005: 25).

Towards the end of her article, Erasmus focuses on the coloured race of South Africa and how they appeared to be, on one hand, not white enough under apartheid, and on the other hand, not black enough under affirmative action (Erasmus, 2005: 27). This can be interlinked to the first article mentioned about her at the beginning of this essay and the analysis that she did on the coloured race as a whole.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY:

Erasmus, Zimitri, 2005, “Race and identity in the nation,” State of the Nation: South Africa 2004 – 2005, John Daniel, Roger Southall and Jessica Lutchman (eds.), pp. 9 – 33, HSRC Press and Michigan State University Press: Cape Town and East Lansing, 2005.

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